Philip the Good receives a book. Representation in a magnificent manuscript made for him in 1447/1450. Wien, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 2549, fol. 6r (https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Romance_of_Girart_de_Roussillon,_Vienna,_Cod._2549,_fol._6r.jpg)
By Kaspar Gubler
Translated version of the article published in the RAG series: Gubler, Kaspar: Universitas Dolana: Juristen- und Transituniversität im Land der Legisten, in: Gubler, Kaspar / Schwinges, Rainer C.: Gelehrte Lebenswelten im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert (Repertorium Academicum Germanicum (RAG). Forschungen, 2), Zürich 2018, 107-128.
Compared with the highly frequented European universities, the University of Dôle, founded in 1423, seems rather modest. In quantitative terms, it stands behind the large and well-known universities of the old Empire (HRE) as well as the French universities and was exposed to increasingly strong regional competition in the Upper Rhine university landscape in the course of the 15th century through the founding of the universities in Freiburg im Breisgau (1457), Basel (1460), Tübingen and Mainz (1477). Nevertheless, the University of Dôle was able to assert itself and during this period it distinguished itself as a university of law, a reputation that the university was to maintain until it was relocated to the neighbouring town of Besançon in 1691. In the sixteenth century, when it reached its peak, its slow decline began at the same time, not because of the attraction of other universities, but rather because of internal reform difficulties and, in particular, the denominationalisation of education. The rising Jesuits with their educational reforms, on the initiative of the city of Dôle, established a college with a grammar school there in 1582, which was, however, institutionally separate from the university. In the long run, these institutions weakened the university, and in the 17th and 18th centuries, leading families of Franche-Comté also visited the educational institutions of the Jesuits1.
When the first Burgundian university was founded in Dôle in 1423, the focus was on practical considerations. The context is illuminated by a letter that the founder, Duke Philip the Good (1396-1467), addressed to his confidant Robert de Baubigny2. Baubigny was abbot of Saint Paul in Besançon and vicar general of the of the same diocese. The Duke had sent him to Rome in 1420, together with one of his other councillors, the archdeacon of Langres Jehan Jobert (Jean Robert), to obtain the founding bull and privileges for the university, and a little later accepted Baubigny into his circle of advisors. Baubigny was Doctor of Canon Law and had taught at the University of Paris before entering the service of the Duke3. His profile thus matched the Duke’s staff, since the majority of his councilors, aster of requets and secretaries had a university law education4. It was also Baubigny who, together with Jehan Jobert, the Duke’s chancellor, Nicolas Rolin, finally delivered the papal bulls for the foundation of the university5.
In the aforementioned letter, the Duke lists the central arguments for the necessity of founding the university. At the beginning, he refers in general terms to the advantages for the administration and the prestige which arise from the studies in canon and civil law and other studies with corresponding degrees, comparable to the studies in the cities of Orleans, Bologna, Toulouse, Montpellier and others. The Church, the Duke continued, is also defended and protected by the application of ‘justes droiz’. The cities mentioned above, with their centres of legal doctrine, are mentioned by the Duke deliberately in order to prepare the main argument: the difficult accessibility of these universities due to war and discord, which had been going on for twelve years. This undoubtedly refers to the civil war of the Armagnacs and Bourguignons (1410-1419) and the second phase of the Hundred Years’ War (1415-1435). During the civil war, the dreaded brutal gangs of mercenaries of the Armagnacs made the Burgundian region insecure. After the settlement of the conflict by the Treaty of Arras in 1435, the gangs of ecorcheurs, who plundered on their own account, became a plague on the countryside6.
The Duke goes on to say that due to the warlike conflicts, parents would not have dared to send their children to the above-mentioned university towns to study, as one could not be safe from enemy and adversary, which was therefore not a pretended argument, but had a real background. For this reason, the children would have had to be given minor education and activities. The consequence was that in a short time no “jurist ne clerc souffisant” would be available in the Burgundian countryside, to the great detriment of the “bien publique”.7 The same argument of the lack of travel safety due to warlike conflicts was used by Philip the Good in 1437 to obtain the establishment of a theological faculty for Dôle in Rome8. Against this background, the choice of location for the university, centrally located between the free County and the Duchy of Burgundy, is only logical. Here the Duke was able to create and establish a new, easily accessible educational area. For this purpose, teachers were sought and various cities were contacted, which were thereby informed of the foundation at the same time, also in the hope of attracting students. The addressees were Frribourg, Bern, Lausanne, Constance, Basel, Utrecht, Trier, Strasbourg, Metz, Nancy, Toul, Heidelberg, Cologne and Worms9.
On 22 June 1423, the university was established in Dôle, capital of the Free County of Burgundy and seat of the Parliament of Franche-Comté. Chancellor Nicolas Rolin, the right hand of Philip the Good when the university was founded, immediately requested copies of the privileges and statutes of the universities of Avignon and Montpellier to serve as a model, and suitable buildings for teaching were sought. The faculties of law (ecclesiastical and secular), theology, medicine and art were established. Teaching began in November 1423, probably also at the theological faculty, which did not yet have the right to award doctorates10.
While the university flourished under Philip the Good, troubled times set in after his death in 1467. At first, the university was financially worse off under Charles the Bold, but after his death in 1477 in the battle for his inheritance, in which Dôle was destroyed, the university came to a standstill from 1479-1484. After the reopening by Charles VIII, who had held on to Dôle despite possible alternatives, the Free County of Burgundy passed to the Habsburg Empire in 1493. The university was now an university of the Holy Roman Empire (HRE) in the French cultural area, surrounded by a variety of cultural and sovereign territories such as the Duchy of Burgundy, Savoy, the Old Swiss Confederation and the Upper Rhine imperial landscape.
Research at the University of Dôle has mainly focused on specific points, and has also attributed regional importance to the educational areas of Burgundy and the Upper Rhine in the European university landscape11 . A matrix edition, which would be a prerequisite for an in-depth analysis of the university and its effects, is missing. For the period 1498-1601, university registers (with some gaps), rectors’ annals and other university sources have been handed down in sufficient density for a corresponding evaluation12 . Dôle’s location in the midst of diverse cultural and knowledge spaces opens up perspectives for research. If one views the university, city and region as a knowledge space, questions arise as to the forms and processes of inter- and transcultural debate, interdependence and convergence. In a broader perspective, the effects and radiations of the processes not only for the regional, but also for the European area are to be examined, especially with regard to scholar mobility and knowledge circulation by means of the method of an extended prosopography, which observes and describes persons and their intellectual legacies (texts).
Surrounded by the very different dominations and cultural areas, the University of Dôle, in its original as well as superordinate function, formed the south-eastern pillar of academic education in the vast Burgundian Empire from the Jura mountains to the North Sea. The University of Leuven, which had been founded only a little after Dôle in 1425, formed the north-western pillar. The founding of both universities thus appears to be the establishment of a political bracket for education and power. Accordingly, the founding of the University of Dôle must be embedded in the context of the ruling and administrative powers in order to be able to assess its functions in their entirety. This makes it clear that the University of Dôle was a central component of Burgundian politics of rule in the course of a fundamental reorganisation of the administration by Philip the Good and his chancellor Nicolas Rolin, the driving force behind this undertaking. This reorganization was triggered by the lack of a central power in the Burgundian Empire and the need to reform the legal system13 . Philip the Good attempted to remedy these deficiencies by centralizing and professionalizing the administration while at the same time pushing back the old nobility. The founding of the regional University in Dôle was decisive for the implementation of these plans. It provided the trained staff, the legistes, the civil servants’ nobility for the administration, which could displace the old nobility in the filling of offices – as in the case of the newly created central authority of the Grand Conseil, the highest authority of the Burgundian administration in governmental, judicial and financial matters. The Grand Conseil was originally made up of high nobility, jurists and senior members of the financial administration, with Chancellor Rolin increasing the proportion of legistes at the expense of the nobility. The Grand Conseil was headed by Philip the Good and, in his absence, which was likely to have happened frequently, by its chancellor Nicolas Rolin, who was thus given the opportunity to shape its politics. The preference of the legists was not limited to the highest level, but was effective throughout all administrative levels. All in all, the nobility of civil servants could thus be integrated into the administration in the long term. Chancellor Rolin reorganised above all the Burgundian judicial and financial administration, using the administration in Dijon as a model. Later, with only a few changes, Rolin installed the newly created administrative structure in the Netherlands as well. As early as the day he was appointed chancellor, on 3 December 1422, Rolin summoned tax collectors and treasurers from Burgundy with the aim of creating order and centralising the financial administration. He consistently collected long outstanding as well as smaller debts which citizens had with the dukes. Characteristic of his sense of order and his initiative is the later compilation of the administrative documents in a thick volume (1448). The founding of the university and its orientation as a university of law must therefore be seen in the context of a major administrative reform. In the course of this reform, the county parliament was also firmly established in Dôle14 . The university now formed the reservoir of trained personnel, be it for secular or ecclesiastical administrative units of the Burgundian state or for the university itself, a cooperation between administration and university, as other sovereigns who founded a university were striving for15 . The proximity of the university, administration and parliament as well as the central accessibility of the university, situated between the Duchy and the Free County of Burgundy and adjacent areas, make the university location Dôle appear ideal. However, power-political considerations also played a role. Philip the Good was able to exercise greater control over the University in Dôle than in other, more powerful cities in the region such as Besançon or Dijon, where the influence of the church was also greater and where economic life was more hectic. Dôle was comparatively a quiet town in this respect, which could only be conducive to studies16.
The University of Dôle opened up a new labour market for social climbers, just as Nicolas Rolin was one. As well as for small nobles and the aristocracy from Franche-Comté, which was the intention of the founder17. The establishment of this new education and labour market was certainly favoured by the lack of competition from universities in the neighbouring area. Last but not least, the crisis of the University of Paris from 1418-1425 may also have favoured the founding project, as Parisian students at that time approached the Duke of Burgundy and the Pope with a request to be allowed to continue their studies outside of Paris18. This crisis came in handy for Philip the Good to strengthen Burgundy’s educational and ruling powers by founding the University of Dôle and supporting the creation of the University of Leuven. Ten years after its foundation, the University of Dôle was already perceived as an established force in the training of jurists, as demonstrated by the sharp intervention of the University of Paris in 1433 against the founding of a University in Caen. The University of Paris attempted to prevent the establishment of a faculty of secular law (droit civil) in Caen and argued that there were already enough law schools in Leuven, Dôle and elsewhere “pour fournir ce royaume de legistes & juristes”.19
Dôle was conceived from the outset as a university of law, a university initiated by jurists for jurists , like Nicolas Rolin was, and by Philip the Good as an exceptionally educated prince with an interest in Roman law and its communication, historical content and literature. Philip the Good constantly expanded his library, collected manuscripts in large numbers and promoted the printing of books20 . He sought direct contact with the university and teaching, and endeavoured to keep the quality of teaching high21. He had Italian professors come to Dôle to teach Roman law. One of them was Anselmus de Marenches, coming from a noble family, who had taught Roman law at the University of Turin. He became professor at Dôle in 1452 and remained in office until his death in 149222. Marenches was one of not a few professors who had taught at Dôle and who were also conseillers of Philippp the Good, although the Duke apparently based their selection more on expertise than origin, because these professorial councils came from Italy as well as from the Burgundian area or even from the northern regions of the Burgundian Empire, like the Flemish Jean de Maldeghem, from an old noble family of Flanders. In 1429 he was rector in Dôle and in 1432 professor in the droit civil. Quite a few of the professors of law were also active in the parliament of Dôle, thus fulfilling the mode of operation intended with the foundation, the interlocking of university and administration with the corresponding circulation of knowledge23 . The professors were also able to improve their income by working in the parliament, just as professors in Orléans did, where a seat in parliament was far better compensated than the professorship itself24 .
Philip the Good therefore always surrounded himself with a learned staff of advisors and it is no coincidence that he was assisted in the founding of the University of Dôle by a jurist who was extremely well versed in both technical and diplomatic matters, his chancellor of Burgundian origin Nicolas Rolin (1376-1462). Rolin had already served under Philip’s father, John the Fearless. Nicolas Rolin, licentiate in law and baccalaureate in canon law, probably studied in Avignon with his brother Jean and completed his studies around 140125 . In 1408, Rolin was already in high esteem as a advocate in the parliament in Paris, the royal court, and also worked for the University of Paris26. In 1420, he appears as their advocate in the Parisian parliament27. He was able to contribute his experience from practical, legal work to the founding of the University of Dôle. As an advocate, he was aware of the influence of jurists in the civil service. Due to his Burgundian origins, from Autun, which is about 100 kilometres away from Dôle, he was familiar with the geopolitical orders and power constellations of the region. For his efforts to strengthen Burgundian independence, the founding of a regional university could only be logical. Rolin had certainly exercised his influence in the choice of location. He knew the conditions in Dôle very well. In 1413, still in service at the court of John the Fearless, he appears as conseiller in the parliament of Dôle28 . In 1422 the parliament was permanently installed in Dôle, in 1423 the university started its operations and with it a structure was created that was familiar to Rolin of Paris as a jurist. Nicolas Rolin also certainly exerted his influence on the founding efforts for the University of Leuven; in any case, he often stayed in the region at the time because of the Dutch policy of Duke Philip the Good29 . In contrast to Dôle, however, the influence of the city of Leuven the foundation was much greater30 . In Rome, Anselm Fabri of Breda (1379-1449), a confidant of Philip the Good, also lobbied for the foundation of the University of Leuven. Fabri studied in Bologna in 1412 and was awarded a doctorate in Canon Law in 1415. Fabri had previously worked on the foundation bull of the University of Rostock and was now able to successfully apply his experience to Leuven. He was invited to the opening of the university as guest of honour of the city. Anselm Fabri was also in the service of the Dukes of Brabant as well as Philip the Good, and he is referred to as his advisor in various letters of Philip the Good, as is the Parisian scholar Robert Auclou, the Duke’s ordinary representative at the Curia and his envoy at the Council of Basel31. Philip the Good later instructed the two scholars to support his envoy, the licentiate of rights Jean Ostius, in Rome in order to achieve the establishment of the theological faculty in Leuven in 1432, which finally succeeded after years of unsuccessful attempts. At the same time, the studium generale in Leuven was elevated to university status32 . As in Dôle, in Leuven, the creation of a university, the centralisation of administration and the promotion of legists and Roman law were all coordinated. The two universities appear as comparable building blocks in a major Burgundian project to consolidate and centralise the rule. From 1430 Philip the Good was able to strengthen his influence, as from this time he was sovereign of both universities through the inheritance of the Duchy of Brabant from his uncle John of Burgundy. According to Waelkens, he based the principle of his rule on Roman law, on its mediation and application by the legists. Roman law was the means of rule and power according to the principle ‘gouverner par la jurisprudence’. Roman law, for example, created the possibility of an appeal at the level of princes in order to circumvent traditional local courts and to weaken the local authorities accordingly33.
A famous university of law
The founding of the University of Dôle was a success story from the very beginning. Dôle was able to establish itself within a short time as a university of law and soon became very well known. Over the centuries it attracted many scholars from all over Europe, including a dazzling scholar such as Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim, who had taught at Dôle34 .
Only the Faculty of Law gained fame in Dôle, especially in the 16th century and especially through the teaching of Roman law. Dôle is then described in the literature as a “radiant point of Roman law” or also as the “gateway to Europe” for the dissemination of Roman law and Franche-Comté as the region from where “Roman law conquered Europe “35. The ways and effects of these legal innovations would have to be investigated in greater depth.
Contemporaries reported on the high standing of the university and legal doctrine. According to the physician Gervasius Marstaller (1520-1578), only the study of law actually flourished in 154736. When Lucas Geizkofler (1550-1620) stayed at the university in 1574, it still had a good reputation37 . Around 1600 Thomas Platter the Younger (1574-1628), who had travelled from Paris to Dôle, wrote in his travel diary that Dôle was famous far and wide for its legal doctrine and was visited by many foreigners and Germans. The Protestant Platter also noted a religious zeal as the basis of a sharp Spanish Inquisition, through which, according to Platter, even at that time many Protestants were still being burned in Dôle. Platter compared the conditions with the Netherlands and doubted that the same severity of treatment in religious matters would be applied there38.
In the land of the Legistes
The foundation of the University of Dôle had fallen on fertile ground. The concept of a university of law in a sparsely populated area created a new space of knowledge, gave it its imprint, an identity, filled it with new legal doctrines, beliefs, ideas, texts and scholars. Franche-Comté became the <Land of Legist>. The legist, according to Walther, was looking for “money, honour, influence on business”, he is in competition with the nobility and therefore supports efforts of his prince to centralize the rule39. This corresponds to the profile of the chancellor Nicolas Rolin, who was able to prepare the ground with the founding of the university for legists of his type, his geographical and civil origins, for social climbers who wanted to make a career, which they often succeeded in an impressive way. Compared to its comparatively modest size, the University of Dôle produced a considerable number of scholars who reached top positions. The Burgundian scholars were particularly successful, especially scholars from Franche-Comté, and the Burgundian networks of scholars obviously functioned very effectively. Besides Nicolas Rolin, the chancellors of Charles the Bold (1433-1477) and Philip the Fair (1478-1506) were Burgundians, as were the important secretaries of Margaret of Austria (1480-1530), governor of the Habsburg Netherlands. Strongly represented were the Burgundian councillors at the court of Charles V (1500-1558), who came from the “insignificant landscape” of Franche-Comté, a landscape which gave rise to some important families of jurists such as the Carondelet40 . The location of Franche-Comté, at the heart of the French, German, Swiss and Italian cultural areas, as well as the Italian influence on the university, gave Franche-Comté an “international character” which was conducive to the cosmopolitanism of students and scholars and could broaden their career horizons41 .
Dôle as a hub for career paths
The diversity of career paths of students and scholars who attended Dôle University would first have to be thoroughly quantified by a systematic evaluation of the matriculation records. This would also make the transit routes of the scholars who crossed at Dôle more clearly visible and, in parallel, would shed light on the scholarly transfer of knowledge to and from Dôle. The latter could be achieved above all by an investigation into the activities of the scholars in secular and church institutions as well as their personal connections. These partly very dense scholarly networks cannot be shown by far even for the following scholars among themselves, nor can their numerous career stages. For the time being, some career paths will therefore only be outlined, starting with scholars from Franche-Comté. Nicolas Perrenot de Granvelle (1484-1550) began his career at the University of Dôle. He grew up not far from Besançon in simple bourgeois circumstances, enrolled in 1504, studied law and was awarded a doctorate in law there, later also ennobled42. Perrenot made his career at the court of Charles V and succeeded Grand Chancellor Gattinara43 in 1530, the jurist Jean Matal (c. 1517-1597), a representative of a humanistic jurisprudence, came from an established middle-class family from Franche-Comté. Matal, like his father Jean Matal the Elder, was devoted to the HRE and the emperor. His father had already served various regents of the Habsburg house, was ennobled, elevated to the rank of knight and accepted into the imperial familia44. Jean Matal the Younger began his studies at his home University Dôle, then attended the university in Freiburg im Breisgau and spent a longer period of study in Italy. His further path led him via the Netherlands to Cologne45. There he received a call to the University of Leuven for a professorship in Roman law, which he declined for various reasons. Matal belonged to the humanist circle of reform jurists. His willingness to reform and to shape things is reminiscent of other talented jurists from Franche-Comté, such as a Gilbert Cousin (1506-1572), jurist and theologian, secretary of Erasmus of Rotterdam, student friend of the aforementioned Jean Matal.
Although the jurists from Franche-Comté also made a career in the northern areas of the Burgundian dominion, they hardly studied at the University of Leuven but, like Jean Matal, went to Italy46 . So did students from the Netherlands and Belgium, who often stopped off in Dôle on their way to Italy. Like the jurist Willem Obrecht from Delft, who enrolled in Leuven in 1492, was rector in Dôle in 1505, then moved to Bologna to study and finally became secretary and clerk of the court of the 22nd in Liège47 . Also from Delft came the jurist Joost (or Josse) Sasbout, who was rector in Dôle in 151248. Sasbout was charged, among other things, with establishing courts in the new Dutch-Habsburg territories.49 Among scholars from the northern territories of the Burgundian Empire, however, it should be differentiated that learned councillors in the Brabant Council did not visit the University of Dôle throughout the year, which needs to be explained, but students from the southern Netherlands did, especially on their way to Italy50.
In the other direction, on the axis from Italy to the north, Dôle was not only a transit point, but could, through work in the Burgundian administration or at the university, become a springboard for further careers51. Raimondo de Marliano (c. 1410-1475), from an important Milanese family whose members were in the service of the Dukes of Milan, is an example of this, and who produced a number of scholars who had considerable careers, especially in Italy, but also, as an exception, abroad52 . Such as Raimondo Marliano, who made his career in the Burgundian domain, where he also settled and only returned to Italy for diplomatic matters. He had completed his university education in Italy. In 1436 Marliano was awarded a doctorate in both laws in Pavia, he entered the Milanese College of Law two years later and taught law at Dôle University in 1441. In 1443 he is mentioned in the Burgundian Parliament as Councillor of Philip the Good. It is obvious that the Duke had summoned him to the University of Dôle, it is also conceivable that the Dukes of Milan had at the same time recommended or even sent him to install him also as an intermediary between the duchies of Milan and Burgundy. Marliano stayed at Dôle for a long time and certainly contributed to its good reputation as a university of law with his teaching activities. In 1460, the city of Basel, with the support of Count Ulrich von Württemberg, wanted him to become professor at the newly founded university, but Marliano’s salary expectations obviously exceeded the expectations of the Basel Council53 . Only a short time later the call came from Leuven, probably not by chance, as Marlianos market value had risen due to the foundation of the University of Basel, which was specifically looking for Italian professors, and also due to the foundation of the University of Freiburg im Breisgau. Marliano, however, decided in favour of Leuven, the decisive factor probably being not only the significantly higher salary than in Basel but also the fact that he remained under the Burgundian rule with the advantages of his excellent political network54 .
Marliano had taught canon law in Leuven since 1461, as he had done previously in Dôle55 . In Leuven, Marliano continued to grow in prestige and became a sought-after legal expert, a ‘star jurist’56 . Marliano was also canon in Liège and Besançon and counsellor to Philip the Good and Charles the Bold, who entrusted him with diplomatic duties. In this context, Marliano appears as a link between the Dukes of Burgundy and Milan, for whom Marliano worked in parallel, allowing his excellent network to play a role, as he did in a meeting with Cardinal Jean Rolin, son of the Chancellor Nicolas Rolin, in Milan in 1452. Rolin told Marliano about a contract of Philip the Good, who passed the information on to the Duke of Milan. It is no coincidence that the function of advisor to two sides was held by a later member of the family, the physician and councillor Luigi de Marliano during the Habsburg-Burgundian period57 . Friendly relations and exchanges between Milan and Burgundy are also evident in Raimondo’s appointment to the University of Leuven. Francesco Sforza, in a letter to Philip the Good and his advisor Jean de Croy, from the French-Burgundian noble family of the Croy, described the appointment as a tribute to Marliano and he paid tribute to his services58 . The special feature of the source tradition of Marlianos is his will, which sheds light on the knowledge gained from the connection between persons and their written knowledge, as it is only his will that sheds light on the life of this scholar, enriching it with remarkable observations on the stages of his life, including an extensive study foundation for poorer students and the establishment of the Collegoium Marlianorum in Pavia for eleven students. The city and university in Leuven, such as Dôle, were also considered and authorised in the will to select students who were favoured by the foundation59 . Jean Carondelet, one of the executors of the will and chancellor of Maximilian, came from the aforementioned family of jurists from Dôle, where he had also completed his legal studies60 .
In contrast to the Burgundians, French students did not choose Dôle as their first choice for a visit to an Imperial University, given the density of universities in their own country. They went primarily to Leuven or Cologne61 . In the other direction, for students from the HRE, Dôle was more attractive. A census of genealogical records of German students at Italian and French universities in the 16th century contains the most entries for Dôle at French universities, even before Paris and Orleans62 . Dôle was an important transit point on the way to Italy or France, especially for aristocrats from the HRE, whereby such educational trips were limited to the nobility or socially higher ranking students and accordingly represented an exception with regard to student mobility63 . The much frequented aristocratic route via Dôle to France had at least found its way into the aristocratic mirror of Cyriacus Spangenberg (1528-1604), the important reference work of the early modern period on the exemplary aristocratic way of life. Spangenberg’s authoritative legal studies path is illustrated by the example of Georg von Crailsheim, who became interested in studying law, whereupon friends recommended him to the University of Ingolstadt, which at the time had the best reputation in the Empire for studying law. Crailsheim thus enrolled in Ingolstadt in 154464. After some studies in Ingolstadt, Spangenberg continued, he had visited the universities of Dôle, Orléans and Paris, learned the French language and had a command of it as good as that of German65.
The French cultural area had an attraction for the nobility, and Dôle offered a good opportunity to enter a foreign cultural area in the protected domain of the Empire and to become familiar with it. An ideal example of this is the multi-talented jurist Johann Wolff (1537-1600) from Bergzabern66 . His education began with attendance at the grammar school in Strasbourg. Wolff then studied at the Universities of Wittenberg and Tübingen and finally turned to legal studies in France at the Universities of Bourges, Angers and Dôle. He then travelled through France and Burgundy and acquired a profound knowledge of French. Back in the Empire, the Dukes of Pomerania-Stettin, the brothers Ernst Ludwig (1545-1592) and Barnim (1549-1603), became aware of him, not least because of his very good knowledge of the French language. The brothers had previously studied together in Wittenberg. In 1563 Ernst Ludwig held the office of honorary rector of the university and in the following year it was the turn of Barnim67. The Protestant dukes now chose Dôle as a further place of study, which is an example of the interdenominational openness that was cultivated at this Catholic university. Johann Wolff accompanied the Dukes to Dôle, where he was awarded his doctorate in law on 29 January 1568. The costs of the doctorate were borne by the Dukes. After his stay in Dôle, Wolff began a legal career at the Reichskammergericht in Speyer, where he became an associate judge (Beisitzer) after two years. Wolff also worked as a translator and historian and was in demand in diplomatic missions. One such mission took him to France because of his knowledge of the language and the country. Wolff accompanied the Protestant Count Palatine Wolfgang von Pfalz-Zweibrücken (1526-1569) to France in a campaign to support the Huguenots, during which the Count Palatine fell ill and died, but was not repatriated. Two years after his death, Wolff was commissioned to carry out the covert return transport of the body from France. Since the land route had proved too dangerous, Wolff had to choose the sea route and, despite the danger of piracy, he brought the body back safely68.
The acquisition of language was of great importance in Dôle, in addition to legal training for students from the Empire, not only for nobles69 . However, since many German speakers attended the University in Dôle, this could hinder the learning effect. Count Eberhard von Erbach (1511-1564), who was in Dôle in 1528 to learn French70 , complained that there was “a lot of German business” in Dôle. Other students were more interested in the French daughters than in their language lessons71 . Language skills were of the utmost importance in the scholarly world, especially for a career in diplomatic services; in the course of the 15th century they became increasingly indispensable. Johann von Lannoy (1410-1493), a West Flemish nobleman, worked for the Burgundian dukes in the 15th century, including Philip the Good, who appointed him governor of Holland and Zeeland in 1448. Lannoy, as the Duke’s adviser, regretted not having learned more languages and therefore wrote to his son Louis advising him to attend Latin schools in Leuven, Cologne or Paris together with a German-speaking priest in order to learn the language. At the beginning of the 16th century, Emperor Maximilian I supported students who were learning languages in Paris or Leuven. In his chancellery, Johannes Collauer, a doctor of both laws, was responsible for Latin and French correspondence72 . The famous legist from Savoy, Mercurino Arborio di Gattinara (1465-1530), Grand Chancellor at the court of Charles V since 1518, was in demand because of his broad knowledge of languages73 . In addition to language acquisition, it was above all important for the nobles of the Empire to familiarize themselves with the French cultural area. Rides in the Dôle area, as undertaken by the Counts of Castell, provided an initial overview. In addition, Konrad von Castell (1519-1577) had city pipers in Dôle teach him the Welsh dance, as can be seen from his account book74 . It was also possible to gain insights into the local legal system. Lucas Geizkofler was allowed to follow a criminal trial in the parliament in Dôle and maintained a legal exchange with the well-known professor of law and Viglius von Zwichem (1507-1577)75 who was elected rector in Dôle in 1574. Dôle remained an important reference point for the education of the nobility in the 17th century. According to the instructions of the guardian of Count Ferdinand Bonaventura von Harrach (1637-1706), he was to take up the study of law and complete it with a doctorate. He was to learn languages, French and welsche, spoken and written, and practice riding, fencing, dancing and vaulting, without having to abandon his studies. The count then studied at Dôle, as other Austrian nobles did. In Brussels he also received instruction from a “renowned legal teacher” and was “intensively” trained in Roman law, primarily in the institutions, during his travels76 . The lessons brought the desired success. Von Harrach reached various management positions, worked in diplomatic services and became advisor to Emperor Leopold I. (1640-1705).
Cultural reach of the University of Dôle – first allocations
The cultural reach of the University of Dôle can only be outlined for the time being. In addition to the analysis of career paths, the texts of the scholars who studied and taught at Dôle should be included in particular, in order to assess the charisma of this university in terms of the circulation of scholarly knowledge in a European perspective which is of particular interest because of the location of this institution in the transcultural space with its resulting interdependencies. The University of Dôle was a “université de passage”77 and can also be seen as a “université de qualité” in terms of the Faculty of Law. Both aspects would have to be examined from a transcultural as well as a knowledge-historical perspective, also in order to better assess the effects and impact that a smaller university could have. Only exceptionally, more than 100 students visited the University of Dôle in one year. For the 15th century, only about 70 students are known due to missing matriculates, in the 16th century, with the introduction of the matriculate in 1498, the annual average might have been about 7078. The University of Leuven, situated in a much more densely populated area, attracted over 500 students a year at peak times in the 15th century79 . Compared with such high figures, however, the numerous top and executive positions held by scholars who had attended Dôle University are impressive, particularly by the group of scholars from Franche-Comté.
The Repertorium Academicum Germanicum (RAG)80 gives a first impression of the cultural reach from a German perspective. The University of Dôle is the only university within the Empire that the RAG has not yet completely recorded. It is therefore comparable with universities outside the Empire, whose German university visitors were generally only included in the database if they had attended a German university in addition to their studies abroad. The systematic registration of German university visitors at universities outside the Empire by the RAG is therefore still pending. It will also open up new perspectives with regard to the circulation of knowledge in the European scholarly area. Thus, at best, initial allocations can be made for Dôle to the cultural functions and ranges of the university. 45 scholars have so far been recorded in accordance with the RAG definition for data collection with reference to Dôle University. Prerequisite for the recording of a scholar are Master’s degree or studies at a higher faculty (law, theology, medicine) or noble origin, whereby a scholar must have attended at least one German university in the period 1250-1550. The data on scholars with a visit to Dôle University range from 1440 to 1590, rising sharply towards the end of the 15th century and being clearly distributed over the 16th century. 34 of these scholars were, as one might expect, jurists, only three each were theologians or physicians, the remaining artists. A good third of the scholars (17) were of noble origin. As far as the geographical origin of the students is concerned, the RAG hardly covers the city and region of Dôle, as can be expected on the basis of the criteria for recording. In the 15th century, however, quite a few of the demonstrable students came from this area, which is to be expected, since most of the students came from the immediate vicinity of a university, which will also be confirmed for Dôle in the 16th and 17th century, as a cursory review of the register already showed81. The places of origin of the students recorded in the RAG thus represent students who had attended at least one university of the Empire before or after their stay in Dôle.
Fig. 1 Geographical origin (green) of the scholars in the RAG with a study-stay in Dôle (blue)
The geographical origin of the scholars (Fig. 1) clearly shows the densification of the area of origin in the southwest of the Empire and few in the Burgundian and Savoyan area as in the Netherlands. As mentioned above, the data can be clearly narrowed down, because they first increased around the turn of the 15th century, but then continuously, which confirms the increasing attractiveness of studying at Dôle for students from the Empire in the 16th century.
From the southwest of the Empire came the nobles as well as the social climbers of middle-class origin, who made careers as jurists. This also reflects the competitive situation between the old nobility and up-and-coming jurists of lesser social origin, as was deliberately created in Franche-Comté by the establishment of the university. The northernmost place of origin is Leuvaarden in the Netherlands, where one of the most famous scholars who had attended the University of Dôle, the aforementioned jurist Viglius van Zwichem (Aytta)82, came from. After his first legal studies at the University of Leuven, Viglius moved to Dôle, where he stayed from 1526 to 1529 and established contact with Anton Fugger (1493-1560). Viglius will later describe the study of law at Dôle as unsuitable for beginners83 . In March 1529 Viglius transferred to the University of Avignon and became a student of the famous jurist Andreas Alciatus84 . On 8 May 1529 Viglius was awarded a doctorate in both laws at the neighbouring university in Valence and in June 1529 he followed his teacher Alciatus to Bourges, where Viglius stayed for two years and temporarily represented Alciatus as Professor during this stay. Around 1531 he left Bourges and went via Orléans, Paris, Basel and Freiburg im Breisgau to Augsburg to stop over at the Fuggers. He then set off for Italy and taught Roman law in Padua in 1532. In 1534 Viglius returned to the University of Freiburg, where he met Erasmus of Rotterdam (1466-1536) and the jurist Ulrich Zasius (1461-1535), who had offered him his chair. However, Viglius renounced the generous offer in order to remain in practice85. In 1537 he enrolled at the University of Ingolstadt, where he became Dean of the Law Faculty and Professor of Law. He subsequently held several high offices and was appointed head of the Burgundy Library in 1559.
Fig. 2 shows the places of study of the scholars with a visit to the University of Dôle. In comparison with the limited areas of origin, the high mobility of the scholars is striking. The target universities in France and Italy as well as the transit routes to and from Italy, France and the Netherlands are clearly visible. These transit routes, from northeast to southwest as well as from east to west, were at the same time important trade routes with a lot of traffic, security and infrastructure, which simplified the travel of the students and, correspondingly, favoured the study stay outside the home territory. The example of a frequently used aristocratic route from the Empire via Dôle to Italy is again linked to Viglius.
Fig. 2 Study locations of scholars at the RAG with a study visit to Dôle
Under him studied 1527-1530 the teacher (preceptor) Lukas Landstrasser from Salzburg. Landstrasser received his doctorate in Dôle or later in Padua as a doctor of both rights. He enrolled at the University of Tübingen in 1521 and became the first teacher of Baron Wilhelm Truchsess von Waldburg (1518-1566). Landstrasser accompanied him and his brother Otto (1514-1573) to study in Tübingen, where Otto enrolled in 1524 and Wilhelm in 1526. From Tübingen the group went to Dôle, where they studied under Viglius from 1527 to 1530 and followed him to Padua in 1531 to continue their studies. In 1532 the group went on an educational journey to Venice, then to Pavia for studies, where Otto became rector of the university in 1535, as his father had been. In the same year Otto von Waldburg received his doctorate in law in Bologna, while Wilhelm’s last study reference in 1534 was the joint study of law in Pavia. Otto von Waldburg will have a spiritual career and will serve, among other things, as Bishop of Augsburg and Cardinal Bishop. In Dôle the later jurist Joachim Münsinger had joined the group. Münsinger first attended the Latin school in Stuttgart (1521-1527). He returned from Dôle to Stuttgart in 1531. His father then sent him, contrary to Münsinger’s intentions, to study in Padua. Münsinger joined the group again, but left it after the educational trip to Venice and returned to Stuttgart, enrolled at the University of Tübingen in 1533, moved to Freiburg im Breisgau, where he was awarded a doctorate in both laws in 1536 and subsequently taught at the institutions there. One of his students was the aforementioned Count Konrad von Castell, who was a temporary guest of Münsinger. Later Münsinger became dean of the law faculty in Freiburg as well as rector of the university. In 1548, the emperor appointed him an assessor at the Imperial Chamber Court for the Upper Rhine district.
Fig. 3 Place of activity (orange) of the scholars at the RAG with a study visit
in Dôle (blue)
The places of activity (Fig. 3) of the scholars with a study stay in Dôle show what can be expected, since many of them returned to their places of origin, as can be observed for other universities. Again, however, the links with Italy and the Netherlands can be seen, which would become more prominent if all students at Dôle were included. Looking at the universities of Basel, Freiburg im Breisgau and Ingolstadt in detail, there is evidence of an accumulation of activities, on the one hand through the aristocratic routes, especially to the Catholic aristocratic University of Ingolstadt, but on the other hand, in the case of Basel and Freiburg, they also point to the networks of scholars. A further focus is on ecclesiastical offices in the cathedral cities of Augsburg and Speyer, which points to the noble scholars, as well as the activities at the Reichskammergericht in Speyer. If all the students who had visited Dôle are included, it is to be expected that the places of activity west and northwest of the Empire in the Burgundian dominion will become more dense and that the transit routes from the Netherlands to Italy will become more prominent.
For the time being, these sketchy observations must remain. The position, functions, and effects of the University of Dôle in the European knowledge landscape will only be revealed through a comprehensive combined analysis of matriculates, careers, networks, and texts of scholars. According to Paravicini, Raimondo Marliano’s path in life can only be revealed through a “synopsis of North and South”, which is only made possible by the text of his will86. A study of the University of Dôle can contribute to both aspects. Dôle also expands the synopsis towards East and West and thus opens up a broad European perspective. With regard to the scholars with their networks and texts, it is to be seen as a kind of hub of the circulation of knowledge in the transcultural area with manifold effects and influences on the world of scholars and society, specifically also on the dissemination and reception of Roman law north of the Alps.
1 Jacky Theurot, L’Université de Dôle, de sa fondation à son transfert à Besançon (1422-1691), in: Institutions et vie universitaire dans lГEurope dГhier et dГaujourdГhui (Cahiers dГétudes comtoises, 51), Besançon 1992, S. 25-44, hier: S. 35; Bruno Boute, Universitätsreform und Konfessionalisierungspolitik: das Beispiel der Habsburgischen Niederlanden und Burgund (Dole, Douai, Löwen) 1590-1620, in: Universität – Reform: Ein Spannungsverhältnis von langer Dauer (12.-21. Jahrhundert), hg. von Martin Kintzinger et al. (Veröffentlichungen der Gesellschaft für Universitäts- und Wissenschaftsgeschichte, Band 14), Basel 2018, S. 87-129, hier: S. 89 ff.; Anton Schindling, Die katholische Bildungsreform zwischen Humanismus und Barock. Dillingen, Dôle, Freiburg, Molsheim und Salzburg. Die Vorlande und die benachbarten Universitäten, in: Vorderösterreich in der frühen Neuzeit, hg. von Hans Maier und Volker Press, Sigmaringen 1989, S. 137-176, hier: S. 158-163. Die Jesuiten konnten sich im 16. Jahrhundert bereits in Flandern durchsetzen mit der Gründung der dritten burgundischen Universität nach Dôle und Löwen 1562 in Douai. Diese wurde (wie in Dôle später auch Kolleg und Gymnasium) von Spanien gefördert, allerdings bereits von den Jesuiten geführt, vgl. Matthias Asche, Peregrinatio academica in Europa im konfessionellen Zeitalter. Bestandesaufnahme eines unübersichtlichen Forschungsfeldes und Versuch einer Interpretation unter migrationsgeschichtlichen Aspekten, in: Jahrbuch für Europäische Geschichte 6, 2005, S. 3-33, hier: S. 24.
2 Jules Gauthier, LГUniversité de Dôle au comté de Bourgogne, in: Annales FrancYComtoise 13, 1870, S. 453-465, hier: S. 458; Jacky Theurot, L’université de Dôle au service de Bourgogne. L’université, les gens de savoir et le prince (1423Ydébut XVIe siècle), in: Hommes dГÉglise et pouvoirs à lГépoque bourguignonne (XIVe-XVIe siècle) Publications du Centre européen dГétudes bourguignonnes, 38, 1998, S. 263-300, siehe Annexe.
3 Denis de Sainte-Marthe, Gallia christiana in provincias ecclesiasticas distributa; qua Series et Historia archiepiscorum, episcoporum et abbatum franciae vicinarumque ditionum ab origine Ecclesiarum ad nostra tempora deducitur, et probatur ex authenticis Instrumentis ad calcem appositits, Tomus quartus, Paris 1728, Sp. 762.
4 Henri Beaune und Jules D’Arbaumont, Les Universités de Franche-Comté: Gray, Dôle, Besançon, Dijon 1870, p. XVIII; siehe zur Universitätsbildung der Räte Rainer Christoph Schwinges, Im Dienst. Gelehrte im Reich der deutschen Könige und Fürsten des späten Mittelalters, in: König, Reich und Fürsten im Mittelalter, FS Karl-Heinz Spieß, hg. von Oliver Auge, Stuttgart 2007, S. 421-440, hier: S. 427 f.
5 Roman Berger, Nicolas Rolin. Kanzler der Zeitenwende im burgundisch-französischen Konflikt 1422-1461, Freiburg/ Schweiz 1971, S. 69 Anm. 128.
6 Berger, Rolin (Anm. 5), S. 164.
7 Der Herzog argumentierte folglich nicht damit, Eltern sollen ihre Kinder nicht nach ausserhalb zum Studium schicken, so wie es Mertens erwähnt. Sie konnten ihre Kinder nicht auswärts zum Studium schicken, so der Herzog, vgl. Dieter Mertens, Die oberrheinischen Universitäten zwischen Habsburg und Burgund, in: Zwischen Habsburg und Burgund. Der Oberrhein als europäische Landschaft im 15. Jahrhundert, hg. von Konrad Krimm und Rainer Brüning (Oberrheinische Studien 21), Ostfildern 2003, S. 275-287, hier: S. 280.
8 Marcel Fournier, Les statuts et privilèges des Universités françaises depuis leur fondation jusqu en 1789, Tome III., Paris 1892, Nr. 1623 S. 125.
9 Berger, Rolin (Anm. 5), S. 69 Anm. 128.
10 Jacky Theurot, LГUniversité de Dôle, de sa fondation à son transfert à Besançon (1422-1691), dans Institutions et vie universitaire dans lГEurope dГhier et dГaujourdГhui (Cahiers dГétudes comtoises, 51), Besançon 1992, S. 25-44, hier: S. 33-34; Theurot, Service, (Anm. 1) S. 270; Mertens, Habsburg und Burgund (Anm. 7), S. 280; Marie-Thérèse Berthier und John-Thomas Sweeney, Le chancelier Rolin, 1376-1462: ambition, pouvoir et fortune en Bourgogne, PrécyYsousYThil, 1998, S. 81-82.
11 Mertens, Habsburg und Burgund (Anm. 7), S. 284.
12 Bibliothèque municipale de Besançon, Ms 982-984 (1498-1616), Acta rectorum et matricula Universitatis Dolanae. Der Autor bereitet eine Matrikeledition (1498-1601) vor im Rahmen einer wissensgeschichtlichen Studie zur Univer- sität Dôle.
13 Herta-Florence Pridat, Nicolas Rolin. 1376?-1462 Kanzler von Burgund im Schrifttum von fünf Jahrhunderten (Schriften zur Europäischen Rechts- und Verfassungsgeschichte, Bd. 13), Berlin 1995, S. 39-45.
14 Theurot, Fondation (Anm. 1), S. 27.
15 Theurot, Service (Anm. 2), S. 264. 16 So Theurot, Service (Anm. 2), S. 266; Theurot, Fondation (Anm. 1), S. 28-30.
17 Sven Stelling–Michaud, Quelques remarques sur l’histoire des universités à l’époque de la Renaissance, in: Les universités européennes du 14e au 18e siècle, aspects et problèmes: actes du colloque international à lГoccasion du VIe centenaire de lГUniversité Jagellonne de Cracovie, 6-8 Mai 1964, Genève 1967, S. 71-83, hier: S. 79.
18 Lyse Roy, LГuniversité de Caen aux XVe et XVIe siècles: identité et représentation, Leiden/Bosten 2006, S. 31.
19 Michel Félibien, Histoire de la ville de Paris. Composée par D. Michel Felibien, reveue, augmentée et mise au jour par D. GuyYAlexis Lobineau, tous deux prêtres religieux benedictins, de la Congregation de Saint Maur; justifiée par des preuves autentiques, et enrichie de plans, de figures, et dГune carte topographique. Divisée en cinq volumes in folio, Tome 4, Paris 1725, zit. S. 594; Lyse Roy, Caen (Anm. 18), S. 33.
20 Theurot, Service (Anm. 2), S. 276; Laurent Waelkens, LГinfluence de la fondation de la Faculté de droit de Louvain (1425) sur la formation des PaysYBas, in: Science politique et droit public dans les facultés européennes (XIIIe-XVII- Ie siècle), hg. von Jaques Krynen und Michael Stolleis, Frankfurt a. M. 2008, S. 251-261, hier: S. 257; Klaus Oschema, Des Fürsten Spiegel? Anmerkungen zu den Bibliotheken der burgundischen Herzöge im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert, in: Buchkultur im Mittelalter: Schrift, Bild, Kommunikation, hg. von Michael Stolz, Berlin [u.a.] 2005, S. 177-192, hier: S. 179, 183 u. 191; Sven Stelling-Michaud, remarques (Anm. 17), S. 79.
21 Theurot, Fondation (Anm. 1), S. 33.
22 Theurot, Service (Anm. 2), S. 276; Henri Beaune und Jules D’Arbaumont, universités (Anm. 4), S. 190.
23 Francis Rapp, Universités et principautés: les Etats bourguignons, in: Milan et les états bourguignons. Deux ensembles politiques princiers entre Moyen Áge et Renaissance (XIVe -XVIe s.). Rencontres de Milan (1-3 oct. 1987), hg. von JeanYMarie Cauchies und Giorgio Chittolini, Basel 1988, S. 115-131, hier: S. 120; Henri Beaune/D’Arbaumont, uni- versités (Anm. 4), S. 189 und passim.
24 In der ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts, vgl. Hilde De Ridder-Symoens, Milieu social, études universitaires et car- rière des conseillers au conseil de Brabant (1430-1600), in: Recht en instellingen in de oude Nederlanden tijdens de middeleeuwen en de nieuwe tijd. Liber amicorum Jan Buntinx, Louvain 1981, S. 257-301, hier: S. 292.
25 Berthier/Sweeney, Rolin (Anm. 10), S. 29-30.
26 Berger, Rolin (Anm. 5), S. 36.
27 Serge Lusignan, La construction dГune identité universitaire en France (XIIIe-XVe siècle): «vérité garde le roy» (Publications de la Sorbonne), Paris 1999, S. 65 u. 117.
28 Berger, Rolin (Anm. 5), S. 38.
29 Berger, Rolin (Anm. 5), S. 69-73.
30 Rainer Christoph Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert. Studien zur Sozialgeschichte des Alten Reiches, Stuttgart 1986, S. 137.
31 Brigide Schwarz, Anselmus Fabri (Smit) aus Breda in Brabant (1379-1449), Abbreviator, Referendar, Protonotar und – beinahe – Kardinal : Skizze einer Biographie, in: Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Biblio- theken, 88, 2008, S. 161-219, hier: S. 192; Thomas Woelki, Lodovico Pontano (ca. 1409-1439). Eine Juristenkarriere an Universität, Fürstenhof, Kurie und Konzil, Leiden 2011, S. 450.
32 Placide Lefèvre, Une lettre de Philipppe le Bon en faveur de la création d’une faculté de théologie à l’université de Louvain, in: Ephemerides theologicae Lovanienses, 40, (1964) S. 491-494.
33 Waelkens, Influences (Anm. 20), S. 252: «En fait le gouvernement par la jurisprudence était la formule du gouvernement selon le droit romain.»
34 RAG (Anm. 80), Heinrich Cornelius Y uniquID: ngbR1A476bz24qxbvbuq7ZnI, 9.7.2018.
35 Rudolf Hoke, Die Freigrafschaft Burgund, Savoyen und die Reichsstadt Besançon im Verbande des Mittelalter- lichen deutschen Reiches, in: Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Germanistische Abteilung Bd. 79 (1962) S. 106-194, Zitat S. 186; Andreas Walther, Die Anfänge Karls V., Leipzig 1911, Zitat S. 28.
36 Zu welchem sich Gelehrte zur selben Zeit vereinzelt kritisch äusserten, vgl. Karl Heinz Burmeister, Das Studium der Rechte im Zeitalter des Humanismus im deutschen Rechtsbereich, Stuttgart 1974, S. 71; RAG (Anm. 80), Gervasius Marstaller – UniquID: ngQG5f577Qo39fmQkQZf0OcB, 9.7.2018.
37 Manfred Linsbauer, Lukas Geizkofler und seine Selbstbiographie, in: Veröffentlichungen des Tiroler Landesmuseums Ferdinandeum 60 (1980), S. 35-84, hier: S. 56.
38 Die Quellenstellen bei Rut Keiser, Akademische Ökumene um 1600 im Spiegel des Reisetagebuches des jüngeren Thomas Platter aus Basel 1595-1600, in: Schaffhauser Beiträge zur Geschichte, 45, 1968, S. 291-315, hier: S. 314-315.
39 Walther, Anfänge (Anm. 35), S. 28; John Bartier, Légistes et gens de finances au XVe siècle. Les conseillers des ducs de bourgogne Philipppe le bon et Charles le Téméraire, bruxelles 1955.
40 Zit. nach Walther, Anfänge (Anm. 35), S. 27; Alfred Kohler, Zur Bedeutung der Juristen im Regierungssystem der «Monarchia universalis» Kaiser Karls V., in: Die Rolle der Juristen bei der Entstehung des modernen Staates, hg. von Roman Schnur, berlin 1986, S. 649-674, hier: S. 658.
41 Walther, Anfänge (Anm. 35), S. 29.
42 Hoke, Burgund (Anm. 35), S. 176.
43 Kohler, Juristen (Anm. 40), S. 663-666.
44 Matal der Ältere diente unter anderem Maximilian I., König philippp I. von Spanien, Margarethe von Österreich und Kaiser Karl V., siehe Peter Arnold Heuser, Jean Matal. Humanistischer Jurist und europäischer Friedensdenker (um 1517-1597), Köln 2003, S. 34.
45 Heuser, Matal (Anm. 44), S. 162 u. 442.
46 RAG (Anm. 80), Gilbert Cousin Y uniquID: ngHX2K072Gp80wdpbGgw1Fta, 9.7.2018; siehe zu den burgundischen Studenten in Bologna Sven Stelling-Michaud, La «nation» de Bourgogne à l’université de Bologne du XIIIe au XVIe siècle, in: Mémoires de la Société pour lГhistoire du droit et des institutions des anciens pays bourguignons bd. 18 (1956) S. 8-43.
47 RAG (Anm. 80), Wilhelm Obrecht Y uniquID: ngpF8W072QX80elfjOYebNbK, 9.7.2018; Bibliothèque et Archives Municipales Besançon, Ms 982, fol. 51: Giullaume Obrecht.
48 Bibliothèque et Archives Municipales Besançon, Ms 982, fol. 86: Josse Sasbout.
49 Serge ter Braake, Met recht en rekenschap: de ambtenaren bij het Hof van Holland en de Haagse Rekenkamer in de Habsburgse Tijd (1483-1558), Hilversum Verloren 2007, S. 159 ff.
50 De Ridder-Symoens, Conseillers (Anm. 24), S. 287; siehe auch Ad Teervort, The iter Italicum and the Northern Netherlands: Dutch students at Italian universities and their role in the NetherlandsГ society (1426-1575), Leiden 2005.
51 Hoke, Burgund (Anm. 35), S. 179.
52 Siehe eingehend zu Marliano und zum Folgenden: Werner Paravicini, Raimondo de Marliano. Ein Schicksal des Quattrocento zwischen Italien und Burgund, in: Revue belge de philologie et dГhistoire, tome 89, fasc. 3-4, 2011, S. 1075-1164.
53 Guido Kisch, Die Anfänge der Juristischen Fakultät der universität basel 1459-1526, basel 1962, S. 47.
54 Paravicini, Marliano (Anm. 52); Wilhelm Vischer, Geschichte der Universität Basel. Von der Gründung 1460 bis zur Reformation 1529, basel 1860, S. 67-69. In Löwen wurden Marliano 1461 400 Rheinische Gulden geboten, was das Basler Angebot, dessen Höhe wir nur indirekt durch andere Saläre für italienische Rechtsprofessoren zur selben Zeit abschätzen können, sicher deutlich übertraf.
55 Paravicini, Marliano (Anm. 52), S. 1097-1098.
56 So die Bezeichnung von Paravicini, Marliano (Anm. 52), S. 1116.
57 Paravicini (Anm. 52), S. 1108 Anm. 175; Andreas Walther, Anfänge (Anm. 35) S. 29. Luigi (Ludovico/Ludovicus/ Louis/Aloisius) de Marliano war Leibarzt der Herzöge von Mailand wie auch Karls V., dessen Rat er ebenso war wie derjenige Phillips des Schönen und Margaretes von Österreich.
58 Paravicini, Marliano (Anm. 52), S. 1104 u. S. 1120: Marlianos juristische Brillanz zog naturgemäss auch den Neid an. In einer Auseinandersetzung zwischen Bischof und Stadt Lüttich vertrat Marliano erfolgreich den Bischof. Er konterte in beeindruckender Art und Weise die Argumentation dreier Kölner Universitätsjuristen, welche die Stadt für den Streitfall eigens angestellt hatte. Anerkennend rühmte der Geistliche, der 1462 darüber berichtet hatte, die Literaturkenntnisse Marlianos – mit den Sitten und Leuten des Landes sei er als Italiener hingegen nicht vertraut, so werde berichtet.
59 Paravicini, Marliano (Anm. 52), S. 1082.
60 Kohler, Karl V. 1500-1558. Eine biographie, 3. Auflage, München 2014, S. 123.
61 Rainer Christoph Schwinges, Studenten und Gelehrte. Studien zur Sozial- und Kulturgeschichte deutscher Universitäten im Mittelalter, Leiden/Boston 2008, S. 147.
62 Wolfang Klose, Stammbucheinträger an italienischen und französischen Universitäten im 16. Jahrhundert, in: Dona Melanchthoniana. Festgabe für Heinz Scheible zum 70. Geburtstag, hg. von Johanna loehr, 2. Aufl. Stuttgart/ bad cannstatt 2005, S. 211-215, hier: S. 213.
63 Vgl. Schwinges, Studenten und Gelehrte (Anm. 61), S. 592.
64 RAG (Anm. 80), Georg von crailsheim Y uniquID: ngDT1c678EV4pszlxccs1bps, 9.7.2018.
65 Cyriacus Spangenberg, Adels-Spiegel (Band 2): Was Adel mache, befördere, ziere, vermehre […], Schmalkalden 1594, fol. 194r: Als er nun seine fundamenta nach notdurfft gelegt / und lust ad Iurisprudentiam gewonnen / ist er auff seiner Freunde rhat gen Ingolstadt (welche Academia damals des Studij Iruis halben den groesten beruff in Deutschland gehabt) verschickt worden…
66 Wolfgang Irtenkauf, Johann Wolff, in: lebensbilder aus Schwaben und Franken, 13, 1977, S. 73-83.
67 Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Sachsen-Anhalt, Halle, Saale, Wittenberger Matrikel, Bd. 3, fol. 151r u. 160r.
68 Julius Ney, Pfalzgraf Wolfgang. Herzog von Zweibrücken und Neuburg, in: Schriften des Vereins für Reformations-
geschichte, 29, Nr. 106/107, leipzig 1912, S. 1-124, hier: S. 93 ff.
69 Burmeister, Studium der Rechte (Anm. 36), S. 59-60.
70 RAG (Anm. 80), Eberhard von Erbach – UniquID: ngWM3N577V63glsWqW7l6UiJ, 9.7.2018.
71 Linsbauer, Geizkofler (Anm. 37), S. 57.
72 Stelling-Michaud, Remarques (Anm. 17), S. 79; Burmeister, Studium der Rechte (Anm. 36), S. 60.
73 Walther, Anfänge (Anm. 35), S. 29 Anm. 1: 1518 zählte ein Gesandter die Sprachkenntnisse Gattinaras mit Bewunderung auf, neben der Muttersprache (Italienisch), beherrsche er Latein, Spanisch, Französisch und Deutsch.
74 Stephan Sauthoff, Adliges Studentenleben und Universitätsstudium zu Beginn des 16. Jahrhunderts. Darstellung an- hand des Ausgabenbüchleins von Conrad zu Castell (= Europäische Hochschulschriften, Reihe 3, 367), Frankfurt am Main 1988, S. 101.
75 Linsbauer, Geizkofler (Anm. 37), S. 56 u. 75.
76 Gernot Heiss, Bildungs- und Reiseziele österreichischer Adeliger in der Frühen Neuzeit, in: Grand Tour. Adeliges Reisen und Europäische Kultur vom 14. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert. Akten der internationalen Kolloquien in der Villa Vigoni 1999 und im Deutschen Historischen Institut in Paris 2000, hg. von Rainer Babel und Werner Paravicini, Ostfildern 2005, S. 217-235, hier: S. 223, vgl. auch das beispiel S. 22: Maximilian von lichtenstein, Studium der Rechte 1659 in Dôle und Löwen mit dem Ziel des Doktorats.
77 De Ridder-Symones, Conseillers (Anm. 24), S. 287.
78 Theurot, Fondation (Anm. 1), S. 35-38.
79 Schwinges, Universitätsbesucher (Anm. 30), S. 144.
80 Repertorium Academicum Germanicum (RAG), [www.rag-online.org].
81 Vgl. die Karte bei Jacky Theurot, Fondation (Anm. 1), S. 37; ders., Service (Anm. 2), S. 277.
82 RAG (Anm. 80), Viglius van Zwichem Y uniquID: nglb5a072KT80ahhfmuawJxa, 9.7.2018; ebd., Anton Fugger – UniquID: ngGW4R577G638vceaGfv8EsN, 9.7.2018.
83 Burmeister, Studium der Rechte (Anm. 36), S. 71.
84 RAG (Anm. 80), Andreas Alciatus – UniquID: ngHX7O274Gf0qwdVbIAwtFtO, 9.7.2018.
85 RAG (Anm. 80), ulrich Zasius Y uniquID: ngGW9X779Fe5pvccaG9v1EsF7FT, 9.7.2018; ebd. Erasmus von Rotterdam – UniquID: ngVL0U870UN6ekrHpVOk3ThQ, 9.7.2018.
86 Paravicini, Marliano (Anm. 52), S. 1077.